The Versatility and Articulation of HG Strike Gundam

HG Strike Gundam Review

The GAT-X105+AQM/E-YM1 Perfect Strike Gundam is the most versatile mobile suit of the Earth Alliance’s G Project. It is capable of various combat roles using striker packs equipped with specialized equipment.

Its head swivels on a ball-jointed neck and the manipulators swivel on peg-and-socket joints. Its thighs and waist can pivot in some places.


Especially for an SD kit, the articulation on this one is impressive. The head moves well, is flexible enough to look upward and the shoulders have polycaps that move forward. The arm movement is great and there is impressive leg bending as well.

The legs also have ankle joints which are a rare thing to see in SD kits that aren’t from a spinoff show or have warrior type designs. The ankle joints are a little stiff but it’s a minor gripe.

Despite its simple design, the Star Build Striker Gundam is a fun kit to build. The articulation spices up a traditional Gundam design without going too far away from it and the included Universal Booster adds extra value to it. The Aile Striker pack is a nice addition to the kit as well and connects securely.


The inner frame of this kit spices up a traditional Gundam design, but still remains fairly familiar. It features a good amount of articulation, including a ball-jointed head and a peg-and-socket joint in the elbows. The knees can be bent back and forward, while the waist swivels on a torso joint. The weapon accessories (Bazooka, Grand Slam, DINN’s anti-aircraft shotgun) from the former add-on can be attached to this kit, but they are molded in white rather than light gray like most other kits.

This model represents the ZGMF-X20A Strike Freedom Gundam piloted by Kira Yamato in Mobile Suit Zeta Gundam SEED Destiny. The suit can deploy its Mobile Weapon Wings in High Mobility Aerial Tactics mode to increase its movement speed in the air or space. The wings are powered by the Hyper Deuterion engine and feature a variant of the Voiture Lumiere propulsion system. Optionally, the camera eyes and shield of this Gundam can be repainted into the colors of its counterpart, the ZGMF-X10A Strike Rouge.


The Build Striker uses its own set of weapons, but it also has the capability to attach to the Build Booster (another custom unit from Sei). This gives the model incredible combat potential, especially when combined with the specialized shoulder and wrist vulcans.

The head can swivel and tilt on a double ball-joint neck. The shoulders can tilt forward and backward in a limited manner. The elbow joints can bend a fair amount, and the knees can swivel. The hip joint axis is a see-saw type joint, and the upper thigh can raise horizontally on a peg.

The Build Strike Gundam comes with a beam rifle, hand vulcans, gatling shield and 2 side mounted swords. It can also use the HG Gunbarrel Dagger, Armor Schneider and Grand Slam Sword accessories from the HG SEED Custom Kit. It can also connect to other 1/144 Strike Gundam models through its polycap connection points, which opens up new possibilities for customization.


Although the articulation is somewhat limited, a well-built HG Strike Gundam can still pose quite a bit. It has good head movement flexible enough to look upward, impressive shoulder bending with polycaps, decent torso forward bend, and great leg flex.

Another way to increase the posing of your hg strike gundam is by using an action base stand. This allows you to simulate moves that would be impossible on the ground, like dive kicks for Build Burning Gundam or a hurtling mid-air launch for Gundam Unicorn.

In the anime, despite being a prototype mobile suit, based on the GAT-X105B Aile Strike Gundam, Sei Iori makes significant modifications to it in order to improve its mobility. These changes include the addition of thruster units in its new shoulder armor, giving it greater side-to-side movement capabilities. This also allows the Strike to easily dodge enemy attacks. The Aile Strike can be equipped with various weapon packs to further enhance its mobility.

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The Centennial of the General Strike in Canada

100 Years of General Strike Canada

In 1919, when skilled building and metal trades workers in Winnipeg refused to negotiate with employers through their trade councils, a general sympathetic strike was launched. The federal government moved quickly to crush the strike, altering immigration laws so British-born workers could be deported and broadening the definition of sedition.

The Strike

During a general strike, government services are disrupted. Employment Insurance says processing applications may be delayed. Immigration, passport and visa services will be unavailable. Library and Archives Canada expects delays to their online services and longer response times for telephone inquiries.

For six weeks, the strike committee effectively ran Winnipeg. Elevators stopped working, trams came to a halt and postal and telephone communications stopped. Only the most essential workers, such as streetcar drivers, remained at work.

The strike committee turned to the federal government for help. It argued that the leaders of the strike were all revolutionists, and were planning to start a Communist uprising in Canada. These claims had little basis in reality. The committee’s members were, for the most part, Canadian-born and, besides J.S. Woodsworth, not particularly sympathetic to communism. But the government was concerned about an insurrection and responded by changing the Immigration Act to allow British-born immigrants to be deported, and by broadening the definition of sedition.

The Red Scare

From the start, the federal government was committed to crushing the general strike. It feared that the strike might spark similar walkouts in railway-running trades across western Canada. It sent two cabinet ministers, Senator Gideon Robertson and Arthur Meighen, to Winnipeg to meet with members of the Citizens Committee but did not talk to strike leaders. The government also changed the Immigration Act and broadened the Criminal Code to make it easier for Ottawa to deport British subjects and charge them with sedition.

The establishment’s fear of a socialist takeover of the country was fed by seditious rumours spread by One Big Union organizers. The newspaper the News ran articles comparing the strike to the Russian revolution. The strikers themselves took these comparisons seriously, especially J.S. Woodsworth, who helped form the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, a socialist labour party that later became the New Democratic Party. The strike ended on June 25. It is widely regarded as the greatest event in Canadian working-class history.

The Federal Government

On September 23, a hundred thousand unionized workers descended on the city of Montreal, under the pastel green banner of the Common Front. This coalition of public sector labour unions—including the Federation des travailleurs et travailleuses du Quebec (FTQ, the Quebec federation of labour); the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN, Confederation of National Trade Unions); and the Alliance du personnel professionnel et technique de la santé et des services sociaux (APTS, the Alliance of Professional and Technical Health and Social Service Personnel)—represents workers from across the province.

But the government was determined to crush the strike. It began with a series of late-night raids and arrests, culminating in the brutal crackdown on June 21 known as Bloody Saturday.

Bloody Saturday

In the 100 years since Bloody Saturday, many Canadians have fought for social justice initiatives, such as minimum wage legislation and employment insurance. However, it is important to remember that the struggle for workers’ rights must continue.

Just after World War I, working class discontent boiled over in Winnipeg. Wages were stagnant and inflation was raging. Businesses were making huge profits while workers had to sacrifice for the war effort.

The metal and building trades unions called for a general strike. Elevators shut down, trams stopped running and postal and telephone communications went dead. Sympathy strikes erupted across Canada. The government feared revolution, only 18 months after the overthrow of the Czar in Russia.

The federal government hoped to contain the strike by undermining its leaders and pitting working classes against one another. However, on June 21 – Bloody Saturday – special constables and Royal North West Mounted Police attacked participants in a peaceful demonstration, killing one man.

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The Power of the TUC: The General Strike of 1926 and its Impact

The TUC and the General Strike of 1926

The General Strike of 1926 showed that the TUC could be a powerful organisation. In the aftermath, local councils of action grew in strength and authority.

Builders, printers, dockers and iron, steel and metal workers all went on strike. After a week TUC leaders decided to accept Herbert Samuel’s proposals and the strike was called off.

What happened?

The TUC called a general strike on 3 May 1926 after negotiations with the coal miners failed. It limited participation to railwaymen, transport workers, printers and dockers, but 1.7 million workers responded by going out especially in transport. Roads ground to a halt, heavy industry was paralysed and newspapers stopped printing.

Local councils of action grew in size and power across the country as workers organised transport, entertainment and food distribution. There were clashes with police in Plymouth where tram workers tried to block a team of blacklegs. In East Fife a workers defence militia was set up. Co-operative printers stepped in to help and produced a number of high quality strike bulletins, one of which is preserved here.

By May 11 the strike was growing stronger and the TUC panicked. They offered a sell-out, an organisation to maintain supplies with the army and volunteers (middle class students) and no guarantees of protection from victimisation in return for a call off the strike.

The TUC’s attitude

The TUC, committed as it was to constitutional modes of action, feared that the General Strike would go too far and become anarchic. It therefore tried to keep control by imposing a tame editorial policy on its Councils of Action. The possession of a newsletter produced by one of the Councils was a criminal offence carrying a two or three month prison sentence.

The TUC also feared the rise of independent rank and file organisations which might challenge its authority. To combat this it imposed a rule that no Council of Action could be organised without its approval.

These rules prevented the formation of independent organisations and stifled coordination between unions. The TUC hoped to change this in 1928 when it wrote to employers’ organisations asking them to discuss joint discussions with the aim of removing causes of disputes and establishing a dispute resolution mechanism. Alfred Mond and 21 other employers, representing mainly newer industries, responded favourably to this proposal.

The government’s preparation

As the strike wore on the Prime Minister became increasingly worried. His disquiet was intensified by the publication of articles supporting the strike and the refusal of the printers of the Daily Mail to print a leading article denouncing the General StrikeLink opens in a new window. Despite a weak resolution from the MFGB calling for the General Council’s report to be referred back to the union executives conference the TUC leadership refused.

Nonetheless they continued to make preparations for a settlement. Despite having no real intention of going into negotiations they were prepared to sacrifice the rights of the working class to maintain the essential services. Moreover they hoped that the success of the strike would discourage other workers from taking action. The TUC’s attitude was not the major cause of the failure of the strike but it was a serious factor. By the time Samuel called it off a week into an unequal struggle with the government the temper of the workers was bitter.

The strike’s success

Despite the TUC’s fears that workers would drift back to work, the ranks of the striking workers continued to grow. Locally they organised themselves into Councils of Action which controlled roads, transport and entertainment. They also produced high-quality strike bulletins such as the Gloucester Strike Bulletin. Up and down the country there were clashes with state forces – for example, when the Flying Scotsman was derailed at Cramlington.

Negotiations had broken down and the government, aware that the situation was escalating, began to implement emergency measures. It used the Emergency Powers Act to maintain supplies and employed armed forces backed by volunteers to keep basic services running. Meanwhile the TUC pushed for a compromise, but Baldwin refused to agree.

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The Possibility of a General Strike in America

Is There a General Strike in America?

As the federal government shutdown continues, union leaders have begun calling for a general strike. Whether or not such a strike is possible, however, depends on many factors.

One of the biggest is the political climate. Another is the current high level of public support for unions. But, a look at labor history shows that the effectiveness of strikes has varied widely across time and place.

The Origins of the Modern Strike

As the government shutdown enters its fourth week and hundreds of thousands of workers are out of their jobs, the word strike seems to be on everyone’s lips. Union leaders and activists are discussing the possibility of a general strike, but there has not been one in America since 1946.

A general strike is “a large-scale worker uprising organized by a trade union to address an economic issue,” according to historian Mark Singer. Unlike run-of-the-mill work stoppages or even more militant wildcat strikes, a general strike is typically not called—rather, it spreads from one group of workers to another.

The general strikes of the past—which ranged from a single day’s protest by New York journeymen tailors to a nine-week action by Houston janitors—showcased the power of solidarity among workers. But a general strike is also incredibly dangerous to the people in power. If successful, it lays bare the structural and legal inequalities that the 1% seeks to protect.

The Oakland General Strike

The last general strike in America took place in Oakland in December of 1946, a massive “work holiday” that shut down the entire city for 54 hours. It was the last of the mass strikes that swept the country following World War II and ushered in a new era of deindustrialization and unemployment that continues to this day.

The strike started when 400 retail clerks from Hastings and Kahn department stores walked off their jobs to protest the firing of one of their number for union activities. The strike quickly grew as more and more workers joined the rank and file. Eventually 142 local labor councils affiliated with the Alameda County AFL declared a work holiday and 142 companies halted operations in the city.

The streets were a ghost town. Picket lines swelled as the city’s street cars and Key System ferries stopped operating. The only way that capitalist businesses could get their business back was to break the strike and bring in scabs. This they did by hiring police to beat and arrest strikers.

The Great Railroad Strike of 1877

In the summer of 1877, railroad workers played a role in the first general strike since the Civil War. The upheaval began in Martinsburg, West Virginia when workers for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad walked out of work in protest of their employers slashing their pay by 10 percent. In the following days workers began to walk out of their jobs and act in solidarity with each other on significant rail routes across the country.

The resulting actions resembled more of a mob uprising or socialist revolution than the squabbles between union and management that typically marked most strikes. However, unlike the Bolsheviks or the Paris Commune of 1871, there was no central leadership to direct and coordinate these actions; most were spontaneous acts of resistance triggered by news of a similar action in another city.

While the strike did not last long, its legacy was profound. It demonstrated that working class people could mobilize with tremendous power and it disseminated socialist ideas about the nature of capitalism in the United States.

The Great War General Strike

The end of World War I saw working people face a sharp reversal in wage gains and an explosive rise in labour conflict. This sparked the first general strike of the 20th century.

On Bloody Saturday, riots between pro- and anti-strike veterans erupted during a parade. Two strikers were killed and many others injured. Police and company-hired thugs beat up picketers. Thousands of black workers, who couldn’t join unions because of racial prejudice, were brought in as strikebreakers.

The striking unions wanted to win the support of returned soldiers, who were highly respected for their service and viewed as moral role models. They could sway public opinion with their moral authority. To this end, they tried to gain the undivided support of the Great War Veterans’ Association (GWVA). When the GWVA refused, Captain F.G. Thompson formed his own anti-strike organization, the Loyalist Returned Soldiers’ Association. Both sides lost the battle, and the general strike was crushed.

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Connecting Fans Worldwide: Discover the Thrill of ‘nba중계’

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A General Strike and Social Unrest: Iran’s Labour Movement Challenges the Regime

Iran General Strike Enters Fourth Week

Iran is facing one of its biggest challenges in decades. A general strike has entered a fourth week and is spreading to critical sectors of the economy.

Videos shared by 1500tasvir and Hengaw show shops closed across the country. The action follows calls for a three-day general strike to demand political reform following the death in custody of a 22-year-old woman who was detained by morality police.

The labour movement

After a break for the holidays, the labour movement in Iran is taking up the call to action and striking. The strikes have sparked massive social unrest across the country, exposing the regime’s vulnerability and bringing new dimensions to the protest movement.

Iran’s workers are the most powerful force challenging the regime. Their demands are rooted in class and community. They call for the end of exploitation, poverty and oppression. The workers are bridging ethnic, religious, gender, class and generational divides like never before.

They have also fought to establish independent unions in the face of government suppression. This is particularly notable in light of the fact that Iran’s labor law does not allow for the formation of unions outside the sanctioned ones. They are also tackling corruption and mismanagement of their workplaces. For example, the workers in the Haft Tappeh sugar cane company are demanding immediate payment of three months overdue wages, renewal of insurance coverage, and the immediate arrest of the CEO and one of the owners who have been implicated in a $1.5 billion FOREX corruption case.

The economy

In Iran, where most workers live on $3 a day and inflation is raging, it’s unlikely that this latest wave of strikes will amount to much. But it’s a sign that serious working-class action is re-emerging as an organizing force in the country.

Organizers are coordinating their actions with each other over social media to increase the chances that they’ll win concessions from the regime. They’re also trying to turn the protests into a movement of the entire Iranian working class by tying them to economic demands.

In a letter to teachers, the Nobel Peace Prize winner Shirin Ebadi has urged all Iranians to support their “reasonable demands.” That could prove difficult for Tehran. If Iran’s economy continues to crumble, it may be forced to resort to printing money—which will further fuel inflation and alienate key constituencies. Then it will be stuck in a cycle of unrest that it can’t escape.

The regime

Across Iran, shopkeepers and lorry drivers are joining oil workers in their general strike against skyrocketing petrol prices. As the regime struggles to contain protests, it is also running out of options to subdue them.

The success of the oil workers’ strike shows that a diverse range of social movements can coalesce around a common antagonist and use everyday politics to build solidarity. Although students’ and workers’ grievances are seemingly distinct, they have converged around the coloniality of the oil company and its refusal to listen to their demands.

The Iranian leadership appears increasingly unnerved by these developments. They fear that workers’ movements can erupt at any moment and have the potential to grow from small localised actions to broad rejection of the regime. They are also concerned about the proliferation of protests via social media and the speed with which they have spread from city to city. This makes them particularly worried about the oil industry.

The diaspora

Iranian expats living in the West, as well as many of those who have left Iran since the revolution, have been among the biggest supporters of the protest movement. They have provided funds and re-broadcast live streams of protests on social media, providing a crucial link between Iran and its citizens.

But as the protests enter a second day, the government is doubling down on crackdowns. It has denied a claim by a senior official that the morality police were being abolished and imposed restrictions on women’s dress. Domestic media, including 1500tasvir and the state-run Fars news agency, shared footage showing shops closed in Tehran and other cities.

Manouchehr Bakhtiari, a journalist with the state-run Hammihan Daily, remains in prison in poor health serving a three-and-a-half-year sentence on charges of “assembly and collusion against national security and propaganda against the regime”. Fellow journalist Mohammadi Mohammadi was arrested for attending a memorial service for poet Baktash Abtin who died in custody after contracting COVID-19 in Evin Prison.

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The Power of Solidarity and Comradeship in Revolution and Literature

Hearts of Iron 4

The general strike is a most fundamental method of revolutionizing industry. The present leaders of the unions and their masses are not adapted to oppose it with any strength.

They slander the idea with the same idiotic phrases as big-bellied bourgeoisie have always used, and in doing so prove their own ignorance.


Solidarity is an idea that unites the different parts of society in one community. It is the principle that everyone should give up their own personal interests in order to benefit the community as a whole. This idea is central to the philosophy of communism.

During the general strike, the organisers called for a united front to confront the government, and many workers pledged to support the striking miners. This solidarity was a key strength of the movement, and helped to bring about its success.

Despite its widespread popularity, the concept of solidarity faces some criticisms. Some people argue that solidarity stymies diversity and pluralism. Others say that it promotes false beliefs and self-conceptions among participants (Shelby forthcoming). These concerns are important to consider, but they must be weighed against the idea that solidarity has non-instrumental value of an intrinsic kind. Moreover, there are ways to defend solidarity against these concerns. For example, some scholars have suggested that unlike friendship or love relationships, solidarity obligations are grounded not in the value of the relationship but in a relationship-independent value of the duties themselves.


Comradeship is a quality of friendship, closeness and solidarity which binds people together in times of distress. It has been the distinguishing feature of Australians during wartime, and has left its mark on the fabric of our nation. The war memorial’s stained-glass windows reflect some of these stories of comradeship. Corporal Leslie “Peter” Chitty BEM offered a distraction on the sporting field; Lorrae Desmond MBE offered comfort and encouragement through music and laughter; and Trooper David “Poppy” Pearce helped countless men to find a way to cope with their loneliness.

This general strike has brought the working class face to face with the political issue of power; it has revealed the complete impotence of the old trade union tradition, parliamentarism and pacifism. It has also shown that it is a vital iron necessity to the working class that it should have a revolutionary mass political party to lead its struggle. It is to this end that the workers must devote themselves to the preparation of the next fight.


Symbolism is an important part of literature and can be used to add emotional weight or evocative imagery. It can also help authors convey themes that might be too controversial or sensitive to state openly. It can even imply change or growth in characters through symbolic shifts in their interaction with certain objects, or ways in which those symbols evolve over time.

Literary scholars sometimes use the term symbolism to describe a style of writing that emphasizes evocative imagery and allusions. However, it’s important to remember that symbolism is not merely a style of writing; it’s an art form. You can find symbols in every type of art, including painting, film and TV, music, sculpture, and literature.

Symbols can also have more than one meaning, like the iconic Rosie the Riveter. This powerful symbol has been reframed in different contexts to stand for initiative and empowerment, from WWII employment posters to Covid-19 pandemic awareness. Its power lies in its ubiquity and recognizability, rather than its specific visual details.


The general strike has taught the English working class a lesson which they must learn. It is the lesson that they need a revolutionary political party, which should be the mass organisation of the trade unions, to lead them in their struggle against the capitalists.

The old sectional trade union fighting, no matter how brilliantly carried out in particular industries, can no longer stop the capitalist degradation of working-class conditions or win any important advance for the whole working class. A more fundamental class battle is necessary and this requires a greater degree of courage, confidence and class-will.

The collapse of the general strike, with its utter disintegration of fronts and the break-up of the leadership, demonstrates that the leaders have not yet reached this higher stage of consciousness. But the masses have entered the full highway of a struggle and shown a power, courage and class-will which assures them of future revolutionary victory. This struggle must be fought most mercilessly.

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The General Strike of 1934: A Milestone in American Labor History

The General Strike of 1934

The images in this collection capture events that were pivotal in the growth of a militant labor movement across America in the 1930s and 1940s. The general strike of 1934 began on July 16 when the International Longshoremen’s Association struck for control over hiring halls and better pay and hours.

The Cause

Until 1934 most workers in the United States had never experienced a mass strike. But the determination and militancy of the rank and file members of the International Longshoremen’s Association ignited an 83-day struggle that shut down 2,000 miles of the Pacific coastline from Bellingham to San Diego, defying local business leaders, the federal mediators appointed by President Franklin Roosevelt, and the conservative AFL union leadership.

The strike’s outcome was a triumph, but the fighting that broke out between strikers and police was brutal and bloody. Strikers were beaten and sprayed with bullets, killing two men – 20 year old “Dickie” Parker and John Knudsen. Gangs of vigilantes roved the city, smashing halls and homes they believed to harbor Communist sympathizers.

The rioting of July 5 became known as “Bloody Thursday.” Despite these bouts of violence (shown in this collection), strikers, led by Harry Bridges, refused to break their resolve. In the end the ILA agreed to binding arbitration, conceding a majority union hiring hall and shorter hours, ending the general strike.

The Strike

The spring and summer of 1934 saw an unprecedented escalation of conflict between workers and employers. Many mill owners feared that workers who joined unions could become disloyal, and they frequently fired or forced out union representatives and organizers. In response, workers began a series of walkouts that eventually escalated into a general strike in San Francisco that brought the city to a standstill and would have a pivotal impact on the growth of militant labor in America during the 1930s and 1940s.

The strike started on May 9, when dockworkers of the International Longshoremen’s Association walked off the job, crippling West Coast shipping. Throughout the course of the 83-day strike, the city became a tinderbox of violence as police clashed with strikers, and the press accused radical “Reds” of being behind the violence. The worst clash occurred on July 5, known as “Bloody Thursday.” The strikes resulted in the deaths of two longshoremen and a series of raids by police, who arrested hundreds of suspected “radicals” and “subversives.” The images presented here document the events leading up to that day.

The Final Countdown

What started as a dispute between longshoremen and ship owners morphed into one of the most sweeping industrial conflicts of the Great Depression. On May 9, 1934, International Longshoremen’s Association workers launched a general strike that shut down 2,000 miles of Pacific coastline from Bellingham to San Diego. The 83-day conflict defied President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s federal mediators and the conservative leadership of the AFL union.

The images in this collection record a pivotal episode in the rise of organized labor in the United States. It was the first time a major port city was completely shut down by a strike.

The strike’s success fueled public sympathy for the longshoremen. Among other things, it highlighted the brutality of employers and police in clashes like the one that took place on July 5, “Bloody Thursday,” when two strikers were killed. This tragedy and the solemn dignity of the strikers’ funeral march (pictured in two photographs) inspired radical labor leader Harry Bridges to call for a nationwide general strike.

The End

On May 9, 1934 West Coast longshoremen of the International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) struck, shutting down docks along 2,000 miles of coastline from Bellingham, Washington, to San Diego, California. Powered by the determination and militancy of rank-and-file members, this 83-day struggle defied the employers’ Industrial Association of San Francisco, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s federal mediators, and the conservative American Federation of Labor (AFL) union leadership.

The deaths of two strikers on what became known as “Bloody Thursday” inflamed public sentiment for the workers. Thousands of working men joined the funeral march—some eight abreast—in a moving display of solemnity and dignity.

But the tide turned quickly. As the general strike drew to a close, employers won concessions from the ILA in return for arbitration of their claims. Eventually the union dropped their demand to control hiring halls and ended the general strike. Nonetheless, the event sparked new movements for workplace democracy and improved conditions for workers in the United States.

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Can a General Strike End the Government Shutdown?

Can a General Strike End the Government Shutdown?

As the government shutdown stretches into its fourth week and workers struggle to survive without paychecks, the words “general strike” have been popping up in news articles and on social media. But what exactly is a general strike?

The IWW places a high importance on the general strike as a weapon of mass inspiration. However, a general strike cannot substitute for building independent political voices and the development of revolutionary leadership that can sink capitalism.

What is a General Strike?

The term general strike describes a situation when a large number of workers refuse to work. This can be achieved by a single union or a coalition of different ones, as was the case with the Seattle general strike of 1919.

The Seattle general strike lasted for multiple days and was a major event in 20th-century labor history. This archived collection includes complete copies of the daily newspapers that covered it, including a day-by-day record from the first week of the strike.

The current global wave of mass protests is often referred to as a general strike because it involves millions of people refusing to go to work. The UK last saw a general strike in 1926 when the TUC called one in defence of 1.2 million miners. Legislation now prevents the TUC from calling a general strike, but this does not stop individual unions from coordinating their strikes with other workers across the country.

Why do we need a General Strike?

Many workers today are concerned about attacks on wages, benefits, and union rights. But can they take a page from history and fight back with a general strike?

A general strike involves people from all different industries stopping work at the same time to force change. It’s an extremely powerful tool because it can paralyze the economy and expose the underlying issues that must be changed.

The IWW believed that the general strike could be a way to unite workers across all sectors of society, including those who aren’t affiliated with a trade union. It could also bring in support from non-workers like students, people who depend on public services, or community activists. In the case of the Seattle General Strike of 1919, it even brought in solidarity from enslaved African Americans!

How do we organize a General Strike?

A general strike is a massive form of protest that involves workers from a wide range of industries in the same area stopping work at the same time. It is difficult to pull off and requires the will of a large population. This is why it usually happens as a last resort.

During a general strike, organizers will need to ensure that all participants are cared for. This includes building out community systems to support people during the strike. It is also important to have a clear message that reflects the demands of the strike. It is best to make these messages as simple as possible, so everyone can understand them.

Before 1947, when Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act in the wake of the Oakland general strike, unions would often go on strikes in solidarity with other unions. However, since that law, the idea of a general strike has been nearly impossible to execute. A general strike is only a possibility when multiple unions have a legal right to go on strike and have a common set of political goals they want to advance.

How can we win a General Strike?

As the government shutdown drags on and federal workers struggle to pay their bills without income, the word “general strike” has been appearing with more frequency on social media. On January 20, Association of Flight Attendants-CWA President Sara Nelson suggested that a general strike could end the shutdown.

The idea of a general strike isn’t new, but it’s hard to win one, and requires a massive amount of preparation. First and foremost, it’s important to build mutual aid networks and community systems of care that will be there for people during a general strike.

It’s also important to educate people about the basics of a general strike so they know what it looks like and how to support it. This could be done through a variety of ways, from teaching classes at local schools to passing resolutions at unions, like this one passed by the CWU in support of their strike against Royal Mail. The 1919 Seattle general strike was the first 20th-century solidarity strike to be referred to as a general strike, and it taught an historic lesson: the working class can run society without the bosses.

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